Personal Branding Pilkada/Pileg, Kehumasan (PR), Management Issue, Monitoring Media, wa.me/081387284468 >> mahar.prastowo@gmail.com >> fb.com/editor.wiki

Dipromosikan Menteri Pelancongan, "Sup Babi" Halal khas Malaysia

Pemerintah Malaysia tengah mendukung kampanye mempopulerkan sebuah sup, yang diklaim sebagai salah satu ciri khas Negeri Jiran itu. Namun, kalangan ulama Islam menuntut pemerintah agar sup itu tidak memakai nama "Bak Kut Teh," karena berkonotasi mengandung daging babi.

Dalam suatu pameran kuliner yang mempromosikan makanan tradisional akhir pekan lalu, Kementrian Pariwisata Malaysia memperkenalkan hidangan baru: Bak Kut Teh versi halal. Maksudnya, tulang dan daging yang menjadi bahan utama sup itu bukan berasal dari babi, melainkan ayam, ikan, dan sayur.

Namun, maksud baik pemerintah itu mendapat kritik dari kalangan ulama Malaysia. Mereka keberatan bila hidangan itu tetap dinamai "Bak Kut Teh" walaupun memakai tambahan kata "halal."

Pasalnya, di kalangan masyarakat etnis China, Bak Kut Teh identik dengan sup daging dan tulang iga babi. Jadi, walaupun daging babi diganti dengan daging ayam atau ikan, hidangan halal itu bisa menimbulkan keraguan bagi umat Muslim.

"Ini akan menimbulkan kesalahpahaman di kalangan masyarakat," kata Ma'mor Osman, sekretaris jenderal Asosiasi Konsumen Muslim Malaysia. "Bahkan [hidangan baru] itu bisa mengakibatkan umat Muslim merasa tidak apa-apa makan daging babi," lanjut Osman kepada kantor berita Associated Press.

Itulah sebabnya, Asosasi berencana mengajukan protes kepada Kementrian Pariwisata agar sup halal dicarikan nama lain. Bahkan, Departemen Pembangunan Islam - lembaga pemerintah yang mengurusi kebijakan-kebijakan Islam di Malaysia - tidak akan menerbitkan sertifikat halal bila Kementrian tetap menamakan sup itu "Bak Kut Teh."

Menurut deputi direktur Departemen Pembangunan Islam, Lokman Abdul Rahman, pihaknya khawatir bahwa umat Muslim akan mengambil pandangan yang salah sup itu tetap dinamai demikian.

Sebenarnya, makanan itu tidak saja populer di Malaysia, namun juga di China, Taiwan, Singapura dan Indonesia. Hidangan yang cocok menjadi lauk untuk nasi dan mi itu konon diperkenalkan di Malaysia (Malaya) pada abad ke-19 oleh para pekerja asal China, baik dari Canton (Hong Kong), Chaoshan, dan Fujian.(AP)

Amanat Soekarno dalam Kebangkitan Ra'jat Bela Negara

“Apakah jang dinamakan ‘bangsa’?; Ernest Renan berkata ‘bangsa adalah satu djiwa’; Memang benar begitu! Marilah kita kembali kepada djiwa kita sendiri! Djangan kita mendjadi satu bangsa tiruan! Djiwa Indonesia adalah djiwa gotong-rojong, djiwa persaudaraan, djiwa kekeluargaan; Kita telah merumuskan djiwa jang demikian itu dengan apa jang dinamakan Pantja Sila. Hanja Pantja Sila lah jang sesuai dengan djiwa Indonesia; Marilah kita setia kepada Proklamasi 17 Agustus 1945, Proklamasi jang bernafas Pantja Sila!” [Soekarno, Ambon, 10 Nopember 1958, dokumentasi Kebangkitan Rakyat Bela Negara].

Menkominfo soal dampak hukum hina orang di saluran elektronik

"Masyarakat sedang terkaget-kaget dengan UU No. 11 tahun 2008 tentang ITE, oleh sebab itu kita harus mendalami ini bahwa menghina orang di hadapan publik, atau menghina orang melalui saluran elektronik itu akan berdampak hukum. Itu yang perlu kita cermati." [MenKomInfo RI-KIB II, Ir. H. Tifatul Sembiring, Ritz Carlton-Kuningan, 16/12/2009]

Pandangan Al Quran terhadap Nabi Isa a.s

QS. Annisa' [171]
O, People of the book, commit no execces in your religion: Nor saya of Allah aught but the truth. Christ Jesus the son of Mary was [no more than] a messenger of Allah, and His word, which he bestowed on Mary, and a spirit proceeding from him: so believe in Allah and His messengers. Say no "Trinity": desist: it will be better for you: for Allah is one Allah: glory be to Him: [far exalted is He] above having a son. To Him belong all things in the heavens and on earth. And enough is Allah as a Disposer of affairs.
=
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Wahai Ahli Kitab, janganlah kamu melampaui batas dalam agamamu[383], dan janganlah kamu mengatakan terhadap Allah kecuali yang benar. Sesungguhnya Al Masih, Isa putera Maryam itu, adalah utusan Allah dan (yang diciptakan dengan) kalimat-Nya[384] yang disampaikan-Nya kepada Maryam, dan (dengan tiupan) roh dari-Nya[385]. Maka berimanlah kamu kepada Allah dan rasul-rasul-Nya dan janganlah kamu mengatakan: "(Tuhan itu) tiga", berhentilah (dari ucapan itu). (Itu) lebih baik bagimu. Sesungguhnya Allah Tuhan Yang Maha Esa, Maha Suci Allah dari mempunyai anak, segala yang di langit dan di bumi adalah kepunyaan-Nya. Cukuplah Allah menjadi Pemelihara.


[383]. Maksudnya: janganlah kamu mengatakan Nabi Isa a.s. itu Allah, sebagai yang dikatakan oleh orang-orang Nasrani.

Puasa Asyura Puasa Paganism-Penyembah Berhala

Pertanyaan [via SMS ke 0815 8579 2280] dari Yunita AS [19 thn] pada 17-12-2009, 20:30 wib:

"Om, tgl 1 muharram puasa blh kan? trus ad fadilah2ny g?...kt temenq kok bsa menghapus dosa 50thun ki. bner g?


Jawaban:

Tasu'a ialah hari yang ke-9 dari bulan Muharram, sedang 'Asyura’ adalah hari yang ke-10 dari bulan tersebut.

Dari ‘Aisyah RA, ia berkata : Adalah kaum Quraisy berpuasa ‘Asyura’ pada masa jahiliyah dan Rasulullah SAW juga berpuasa. Maka setelah berhijrah ke Madinah, beliau tetap berpuasa ‘Asyura’ dan memerintahkan kepada para shahabat untuk berpuasa pada hari itu. Maka setelah diwajibkan puasa di bulan Ramadlan, lalu beliau bersabda, “Barangsiapa yang ingin berpuasa ‘Asyura’ silakan berpuasa, dan barangsiapa yang ingin meninggalkannya silakan tidak berpuasa”. [HR. Bukhari, Muslim, Tirmidzi, Abu Dawud, Ibnu Majah, Ahmad, Malik dan Darimiy]

Dari Mu’awiyah bin Abu Sufyan, ia berkata : Saya mendengar Rasulullah SAW bersabda, "Sesungguhnya hari ini adalah hari 'Asyura’ tetapi tidak diwajibkan atas kamu puasa hari ini, sedang aku berpuasa. Oleh sebab itu, barangsiapa ingin berpuasa silakan berpuasa, dan barangsiapa ingin tidak
berpuasa, silakan tidak berpuasa". [HR. Bukhari dan Muslim]

Dari Ibnu ‘Abbas RA, ia berkata : Ketika Rasulullah SAW berpuasa ‘Asyura’ (hari ke sepuluh) dan beliau memerintahkan untuk berpuasa pada hari itu, para shahabat berkata, “Ya Rasulullah, sesungguhnya hari itu adalah suatu hari yang diagung-agungkan oleh kaum Yahudi dan Nashara”. Lalu Rasulullah SAW bersabda, “Jika aku masih hidup sampai tahun depan, insya Allah kami akan berpuasa Taasi’a (hari ke sembilan). Ibnu ‘Abbas berkata, “Ternyata belum sampai tahun berikutnya beliau telah wafat”. [HR.
Muslim dan Abu Dawud]

Rasulullah SAW bersabda, "Sesungguhnya kalau aku masih hidup sampai tahun depan, niscaya aku berpuasa hari ke-9 (bulan Muharram)". [HR. Muslim]

Warna Warni Kasih Bunda

-Rangkaian apresiasi kepada Bunda dalam rangka memperingati Hari Ibu-

Jadwal Kegiatan

Pembukaan oleh Deputi Menteri Negara Pemberdayaan Perempuan dan Perlindungan Anak
Tanggal : 17 Desember 2009
Waktu : 14.00-17.00 WIB
Tempat : Grand Indonesia Lt. 1, East Mall

Bunda & keluarga bisa menikmati pameran karya seni lukis, lelang lukisan, pengalaman dan lomba melukis, berbagi cerita sambil menambah wawasan lewat seri talkshow inspiratif, sekaligus memanjakan diri dengan deretan program unik yang disiapkan:

17 Desember 2009
Pukul: 14.00 - 17.00 WIB
• Konperensi Pers “Warna Warni Kasih Bunda”
Pembicara: PT Unilever Indonesia Tbk., Rumah Lukisku & Rumah Belajar, Grand Indonesia dan Yayasan Nanda Dian Nusantara


17 - 27 Desember 2009
Pukul 10.00 - 21.00 WIB
• Pameran Lukisan
• Pengalaman melukis untuk umum
• Lomba melukis
• Permainan seru dan menarik di booth Unilever


18 Desember 2009
Pukul 14.00 - 16.00 WIB
• Talkshow: “Etiket Baik Tunjang Gaya Hidup Modern”, persembahan SariWangi Gold Selection
Pembicara: John Robert Powers
Pembawa Acara: Sari Nila


19 Desember 2009
Pukul 14.00 - 15.30 WIB
• Talkshow: “Tips Nanny 911, Bantu Ibu Moo Jadi Sahabat Si Kecil”, persembahan Wall’s Moo
Pembicara: Dra. Diennaryati Tjokrosuprihatono M.Psi
Pembawa Acara: Becky Tumewu


20 Desember 2009
Pukul 14.30 - 16.00 WIB
• Talkshow: “Pancarkan Citra Cantikmu”, persembahan Citra
Pembicara: Roslina Verauli
Pembawa Acara: Mitha Hapsari

Pukul 19.00 – 21.00 WIB
• Lelang Lukisan oleh Sidharta Auctioneer,
Sebagai rasa syukur atas tampil prestasi dan keinginan untuk membantu sesama, sebagian hasil keuntungan dari penjualan akan di lelang dan disumbangkan ke Yayasan Nanda Dian Nusantara



26 Desember 2009
Pukul 14.00 - 16.00 WIB
• Talkshow: “Hidup Sehat ala Bunda Aktif”, persembahan Buavita
Pembicara: Dr. Fiastuti Witjaksono, M.S SpGK
Pembawa Acara: Ersa Mayori


27 Desember 2009
• Penutupan

KAWAT: PANGKODAP TPN/OPM Wil C , Gen. Kelly Kwalik Tewas Ditembak Densus 88

KAWAT:

Pang.Kodap TPN/OPM Wil C, Maijen KELLY KWALIK NBP: 1476, pd hr kms, 16/12/2009, tewas olh pasgab TNI-Polri [SATPOR PT Freeport], jam 03.00 WIT.

DTRSKN KPD:

Sayap Militer Komando Daerah Pertahanan [KODAP] Tentara Pembebasan Nasional Papua Barat-TPN/OPM.PB:

Markas Pertahanan Daerah Perwomi Biak
Panglima: Gen. GABRIEL MELKIZEDEK AWOM, NBO: 04 (Kabor Koru Konsup)

Markas Kodap I,
Panglima: General RICHARD H. YOWENI NBP: 7100002.

Markas Kodap X,
Panglima: Mayor General ABUMBAKARAK WENDA NBP: J.00576.

Markas Kodap VI TPN/OPM. PB Sorong,
Panglima: M. MANDABATJAN NBP: 7107755.

Markas Kodap IV TPM/OPM. PB Kasuari Manokwari,
Panglima: Kol. PERWIS MANGGAPROW NMP: 10762.

Markas Kodap I TPN/OPM.PB MAMTA,
Panglima: REHABIAM NIAN.

Markas Kodap II TPN/OPM. Wamena,
Panglima: Mayjen. OBIUR KOGOYA NBP: C.

Markas Kodap IX TPN/OPM.PB Yawaro Yapen Waropen,
Panglima: Kol. CHARLES IMBIRI NBP: 7106241.

Markas Pertahanan Kodap V Merauke,
Panglima: Col. BONIFASIUS YIREN, NBP:0276.

KODAP IV Nabire/Paniai TPN/OPM,
Panglima: FRED SADISOU.

Amanat Komite Peukeumah Atjéh Mardèhka Dèmokratik

Sweden 4 Desembér2009/ 16 Zulhijjah 1430

57 thôn njang ka ulikôt, Neugara2 anggèëta PBB geuduëk pakat dan geutjok saboh keusimpôlan njang butôi dan adé that teuntang Hak2 Asasi Manusia (HAM): Hak bansa2 untôk peuteunteë nasib droë nakeuh sjarat njang paléng peunténg untôk peuseuleusoë peukara hak2 asasi manusia" (Resolusi PBB 637-A, 18 Dec. 1952). 
Kru Seumangat! Deungon rahmat Po Teuh Allah, alhamdulillah geutanjoë ka keumah tameulangkah keunoë uroë njoë tadjak peu-ingat uroë lahé Atjeh Meurdéhka njang keu-33 di Stockholm, Sweden. Seulaweuët dan saleuëm hana teuwo tjhit geutanjoë kirém keu pang ulèë geutanjoë Nabi Muhammad S.A.W. Pang ulèë nibak bandum nabi2.
 
Bansa Atjèh njang that kamoe peumulia,
 
33 thôn ka umu Atjèh Meurdéhka! Njoë saboh masa njang panjáng that, meunjo ta ukô deungon umu geutanjoë bansa Atjèh uroënjoë njang rata2 tjhit 50 thôn sagai. Teutapi dalam seudjarah peurdjuangan kemerdéhkaan saboh2 bansa, 33 thon njan nakeuh saboh masa njang paneuk that, lagèë peurdjuangan2 bansa Palestina, bansa Chechenia, bansa Kurdi, bansa Moro di Philipina, bansa Pattani di Thailand dll lom njang ka meuplôh dan malah meurutôh thôn geuemuprang geupeutheun nanggroë dan agama geuh.
 
Endatu geutanjoë pih hana kureuëng tjhit bak geupeutheun agama dan kemeurdehkaan geuh: prang deungon Portugéh bak abad keu 16, prang 100 thôn deungon Beulanda, deungon djeupang antara thôn 42-45 dan deungon indonesia sampé uroënjoë.
Pakon ureueng2 djameun, khususdjih éndatu geutanjoë keumah geumeuprang dumnan tréb?
 
Njang phôn that nakeuh kareuna Lillahi Taàla: peutheun agama dan nanggroë geu-anggap saboh buët wadjéb, saboh peurintah po teuh Allah dan meunjo hana geupubuët akan meudèesja geuh. Njang keudua, kareuna buët njan bunoë peurintah Allah, maka éndatu geutanjoë njan hana geuharap sapeuë di dônja njoë. Bahthat pih mungkén geuteupeuë han meunang, tapi teutap geupubuët tjhit deungon harapan aneuk tjutjo geuh ukeuë akan djirasa keumeungan njan.
 
Njang keulhèë, ureuëng njan leubèh geupiléh maté mulia atawa sjahid daripada hudép hina dan djeuët keu lamiët gob. Njankeuh sabab, maka djih Tuthjik2 geutanjoë hantom geumeunjeurah dan hantom gemeudam’e deungon musôh.
Bida that deungon biëk lamiët uroënjoë. Ban djipeudijeuëng pèng mantong meudua sen, trôk bak beudé pajah djikoh-koh; trôk bak bandéra pusaka njang ka meulabô deungon meuplôh ribèë darah sjuhada, djitém tuka-také dan djitém ubah-ubah kareuna ka trôk peurintah dari Djakarta. Kareuna pèng ngon pangkat, maka djih sapeuë pih hana léna pantang larang bak lamiët2 njan di Atjèh uroënjoë.
 
Bansa Atjèh njang that kamoe gaséh,
 
Uroënjoë geutanjoë tameuduëk disinoë tadjak ingat keulai peuë njang ka teudjadi ateuëh geutanjoë Bansa Atjéh seulama 33 thôn njoë. Geutanjoë peureulèë ta-ingat keulai pueë njang ka djipeulaku uléh sidadu Indonesia di Kem Rantjông, Lhokseumawè, bak masa DOM, dalam Operasi Jaring Merah. Meribèë bansa geutanjoë njang hana salah ka djipoh maté: djikoh takuë, djisië-sië, djiélanja, djiséksa dan djipeu kap bak asèë.
 
Geutanjoë handjeuët teuwo teuh peuë njang kalheuëh teudjadi di Rumoh Geudông, wilajah Pidie, disinan meureutôh-rutô h ureuëng binoë Atjèh: Njak-njak dan adék2 geutanjoë njang mantong muda that njang djiélanja, djipeu-ajéb, djipeulhôn dikeuë ramè, djiperkosa dan le njang djitimbak maté bak masa njan, bak thôn 1989-1998.
 
Dalam seudjarah Atjèh, mungkén geutanjoë na tom ta deungo teuntang pembunuhan massal di Kuta Rèh, Takengon, uléh pasukan Marsoesé Beulanda bak thôn 1904, 1005 thôn njang ka ulikôt, disinan sekitar 148 droë masjarakat sipil ka djitimbak maté. Sigo treuk nakeuh njang teudjadi di Pulôt Tjot Jeumpa, Kutaradja, thôn 1955, masa Prang DI, leubèh 100 droë ureuëng gampông njan djipeubaréh dan djitimbak maté bandum.
 
Teutapi dalam masa Atjèh Meurdéhka dan dalam masa sithôn, paléng kureuëng na peuët go teudjadi peumbunuhan2 massal: di Blang Kandang, Wilajah Pasè; di Idi Tjut, Atjèh Timu; Simpang KKA, di Dewantara, Wilajah Pasè; di Beutông Ateuëh, Atjèh Barat, dan di teumpat2 laén lom njang han keumah taseubôt disinoë, njang disinan meuribèë djawong bansa Atjèh njang hana salah ka meulajang. Dan bandum pembunuhan2 massal njoë teudjadi dalam thôn 1999, watèë djipeudjak Operasi Wibawa, sithôn lheuëh djitarek DOM dari Atjèh. Njan gohlom ta kira bak masa DOM, antara thôn 1989 sampé 1998 dan gohlom takira tjhit bak masa darurat militè antara 2003-2004 seugohlom tsunami. Hana kureuëng nibak 3000 bansa Atjèh gadoh njawong dalam masa sithôn njan.
Uroenjoë Atjèh ka aman, hana lé prang. Meunan njang ta deungo! Dan regim Indonesia kalheuëh djipeudjak buët njang paléng laklém ateuëh rhuëng dônja deungon hana hukôman sapeuë pih keu djihnjan.
 
Meunjo takalon pelanggaran2 HAM di Atjèh seulama DOM, djeuët takheun saboh peuristiwa njang paléng keudjam bak abad njoë, peureuséh lagèë peuë njang djipeulaku lé Serbia ateuëh ureuëng Islam Bosnia atawa saban tjhit lagèë njang ka djipeulaku uléh Nazi Djeurman ateuëh awak Yahudi, di Auchwits. Kadang2 meunjo ta kalon beuleubèh toë lom kasus2 peulanggaran HAM di Atjèh, seu-akan han rôh tapatéh bahwa njan buët manusia.
Tapi njan bandum handjeuët soë meutjeukot lé djinoë djikheun lé biëk lamiët njan. Geutanjoë ka aman, handjeuët meuteuoh lé peukara2 njang ka ulikôt. Soë njang tham njan? Njankeuh padum2 droë biëk lamiët njan njang na di Atjèh njang ka djibri pangkat dan ka djibri pèng batjut untok tôp babah.
Darah dan djawong sjuhada2 Atjèh ka djipubloë, djituka deungon moto double cabin; ka djituka deungon proyèk, deungon pangkat gubernur, bupati, camat dan anggèëta legislatif. Njan keuh awaknjan djinoë njang djak kampanje bèk meutjeukot-tjeukot lé peukara njang ka ulikôt ateuëh alasan "dame".
 
Meudamè njan bak hakikat djih memang hana salah. Njan tjhit geujuë dalam agama Islam. Meudamè geujuë dalam Islam, tapi muprang pih geujuë tjhit dalam Islam. Buët saléng meuah-peumu' ah geupeugalak dalam Islam, tapi ingat...hukôm qisas pih geujuë peudong tjhit dalam Islam.

Ya Aijjuhal laziina aamanuu (njoë khusus keu ureueng2 meu-iman mantong, njang hana meu-iman hana berlaku ajat njoë, kutiba alaikumul qisas bilqatli...Hana bandum keudjeuhatan geujuë peumeuah dalam Islam, leubèh2 lagèë peue njang ka djipeulaku di Atjèh seulama 33 thôn njoë.
 
Geutanjoë kon ureuëng galak muprang, adak po teuh Allah neuteupeuë tjhitnjan:Kutiba 'alaikumul kitaal wahuwa kurhun lakum, wa'asaa an takrahuu syaian wahuwa chairun lakum, wa'asa an tuhibbu syaiaan wahuwa syarrun lakum. wallahu ya'lamuu wa antum la ta'lamuun (Albaqara, 191).
 
Gatanjoë ulôn peuwadjéb muprang bahthatpih njan hana galak teuh. Tapi padjan geujuë muprang padjan hana geubri muprang atawa meudamè:
Waqaatiluu fii sabilillahil laziina yuqaatiluunakum. ....waqtuluuhum haitsu tsaqiftumuuhum. ...wa akhridjuuhum min haitsu akhradjuukum.
Albaqarah, ayat 190-191.
 
Le hai2 njang djeuët tameudamè ngon musôh, tapi lagèë peukara2 njang principil: lagèë peukara agama, nanggroë dan teumasôk peukara HAM - njan handjeuët sagai2 ta tém sigitu saho. Kon meunurôt hukôm Islam mantong, tapi dalam hukôm antara bansa djeulaih that geu-atô peukara2 prang dan damè. Meureutôh-reutô h thôn johgohlom lahé Persatuan Bansa Bansa (PBB) ka leubèh awai teudong hukôm internasional dan atawa peurdjandjian antara bansa bansa (international conventions) untôk geupeuseuleusoë konflik dan perselisihan antara pihak2 atawa antara neugara deungon neugara.

Sibagoë tjonto nakeuh Peurdjandjian London atawa London Treaty thôn 1824 antara Beulanda dan Inggréh, disinan uléh Inggréh djiseurah sibagian kekeuasaan djih di Pulo Sumatra keu Beulanda. Seudangkan Kekuasan Beulanda ateuëh India teumasôk Singapura djipulang keu Inggréh. Dalam peurdjandjian njan meutuléh tjhit Beulanda seutudju bahwa keumeurdéhkaan Atjèh hana djiganggu. Uléh Beulanda dudoë djilangga djandjinjan dan djipeunjata prang Ateuëh Neugara Atjèh Meurdèhka bak thôn 1873 (49 thôn lheuëhnjan).
 
Bansa Atjèh njang that kamoe peumulia,  
Dalam artikel phôn (1), deklarasi hak2 asasi Manusia, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, meutuléh: Bandum manusia njoë lahé deungon bibeuëh dan deungon hak2 njang saban njang handjeuët meutuka také.
 Hak bansa2 untôk peuteuntèë nasib droë nakeuh sjarat njang paléng peunténg untôk peuseulusoë hak2 asasi manusia
 
Meunjo talhôh masa njang ka ulikôt geutanjoë; masa djinoë njang djipeunan masa damè; dan tatjuba bajang2 masa ukeuë teuh, bansa Atjèh hana mungkén lé keumah geuhudép didalam ranté keuzaliman peundjadjah Indonesia njan. Sabab, seulama hak geutanjoë untôk peuteuntèë nasib droë, lagèë ka meuseubôt dalam Resolusi PBB bunoë, hana dji angkèë, seulama njan keuh hak2 geutanjoë sibagoë manusia djigilho-gilho. Djadi, peurdjuangan bansa untôk peugisa dèëlat Atjèh keulai teutap meusambông sampoë meurdéhka.

Wassalamuàlaikum Warahmatullahi wabara katuh

*
bagi yang bersedia menterjemahkan ke dalam english dan bahasa [EYD] silahkan kirim hasil terjemahan ke writerpreneur@gmail.com, sertakan nomor rekening]

She Can! Award 2009, pilih 38 Wanita Indonesia paling Inspiratif

"Ini menjadi harapan kami juga bahwa apa yang kita mulai hari ini merupakan setitik kecil yang bisa menggelinding dan menjadi bola salju yang besar dan bisa memberikan efek untuk keluarganya dan Indonesia," kata Managing Director Tupperware Indonesia, Nining Permana dalam jumpa pers pemilihan 38 wanita Indonesia paling inspiratif.

Terpilihnya ke-38 wanita Indonesia paling inspirasional melalui program Tupperware She Can! Awards 2009 sifatnya bukan lomba meski melalui berbagai penyeleksian, namun lebih kepada pencarian alam terhadap para wanita yang terus berkarya, berkorban, serta memiliki passion.

Ke-38 wanita terinspiratif itu mendapat penghargaan She Can! Awards 2009 di Grand Balroom Kempinski, Jakarta 12 Desember 2009.

Berikut ini 38 wanita Indonesia peraih penghargaan Tupperware She Can! Award 2009:
1. Desainer kebaya Anne Avantie
2. Pustakawan keliling Kiswanti
3. Relawan kesehatan Dessy Suprihartini
4. Direktur RSUD Pandan Arang Dr Hj Umi Haniek
5. Pengusaha songket Ulviah Irzal
6. Pembudidaya herbal Onah Lasmana
7. Pengusaha produk perawatan tubuh Kadek Eka Citrawati
8. Penulis Helvy Tiana Rosa
9. Sineas muda Ani Ema Susanti
10. Seniwati batik Prie Ernalia
11. Mantan pebulutangkis nasional Ivana Lie
12. Pendiri Yayasan Pelita Hati Sri Umati
13. Pengusaha aksesori Elizabeth Wahyu
14. Profesor Pendidikan Anita Lie
15. Pengusaha kripik balado Christine Hakim
16. Pendiri Sekolah Kaum Dhuafa Ade Aisyah
17. Peneliti DNA Forensik Dr Herawati Sudoyo Ph.D
18. Ketua Yayasan Lupus Indonesia Tiara Savitri
19. Penulis biografi Alberthiene Endah
20. Mantan atlet arung jeram Amalia Yunita Korua
21. Kepala Desa Joho Ulastri
22. Penari Nungki Kusumastuti
23. Guru Sekolah Tuna Rungu Pin Sudiraharti
24. Pengusaha kain tenun Sikka Alfonsa Horeng
25. Seniman ketoprak Suyati (Yati Pesek)
26. Bidan Suku Badui Eros Rosati
27. Aktivis Lingkungan Harini Bambang Wahono
28. Penulis sastra Ratna Indraswari Ibrahim
29. Master tata rias pengantin tradisional Tien Soeharto (Almh)
30. Aktivis Perdamaian Hilda Djuraida Robolessy
31. Pakar meditasi dan kesehatan jiwa Luh Ketut Suryani
32. Produser film Mira Lesmana
33. Aktivis sosial Peggy Melati Sukma
34. Guru dan pelestari lingkungan Yulianti (Iyung)
35. Penulis dan motivator Eni Kusumawati
36. Mantan petenis nasional Yayuk Basuki
37. Maestro keroncong Waljinah
38. Perencana keuangan Ligwina Hananto.

Barack Obama's Nobel Peace Prize acceptance speech

[December 11, 2009]

Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses, Distinguished Members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, citizens of America, and citizens of the world:

I receive this honor with deep gratitude and great humility. It is an award that speaks to our highest aspirations – that for all the cruelty and hardship of our world, we are not mere prisoners of fate. Our actions matter, and can bend history in the direction of justice.

And yet I would be remiss if I did not acknowledge the considerable controversy that your generous decision has generated. In part, this is because I am at the beginning, and not the end, of my labors on the world stage. Compared to some of the giants of history who have received this prize – Schweitzer and King; Marshall and Mandela – my accomplishments are slight. And then there are the men and women around the world who have been jailed and beaten in the pursuit of justice; those who toil in humanitarian organizations to relieve suffering; the unrecognized millions whose quiet acts of courage and compassion inspire even the most hardened of cynics. I cannot argue with those who find these men and women – some known, some obscure to all but those they help – to be far more deserving of this honor than I.

But perhaps the most profound issue surrounding my receipt of this prize is the fact that I am the Commander-in-Chief of a nation in the midst of two wars. One of these wars is winding down. The other is a conflict that America did not seek; one in which we are joined by forty three other countries – including Norway – in an effort to defend ourselves and all nations from further attacks.

Still, we are at war, and I am responsible for the deployment of thousands of young Americans to battle in a distant land. Some will kill. Some will be killed. And so I come here with an acute sense of the cost of armed conflict – filled with difficult questions about the relationship between war and peace, and our effort to replace one with the other.

These questions are not new. War, in one form or another, appeared with the first man. At the dawn of history, its morality was not questioned; it was simply a fact, like drought or disease – the manner in which tribes and then civilizations sought power and settled their differences.

Over time, as codes of law sought to control violence within groups, so did philosophers, clerics, and statesmen seek to regulate the destructive power of war. The concept of a “just war” emerged, suggesting that war is justified only when it meets certain preconditions: if it is waged as a last resort or in self-defense; if the forced used is proportional, and if, whenever possible, civilians are spared from violence.

For most of history, this concept of just war was rarely observed. The capacity of human beings to think up new ways to kill one another proved inexhaustible, as did our capacity to exempt from mercy those who look different or pray to a different God. Wars between armies gave way to wars between nations – total wars in which the distinction between combatant and civilian became blurred. In the span of thirty years, such carnage would twice engulf this continent. And while it is hard to conceive of a cause more just than the defeat of the Third Reich and the Axis powers, World War II was a conflict in which the total number of civilians who died exceeded the number of soldiers who perished.

In the wake of such destruction, and with the advent of the nuclear age, it became clear to victor and vanquished alike that the world needed institutions to prevent another World War. And so, a quarter century after the United States Senate rejected the League of Nations – an idea for which Woodrow Wilson received this Prize – America led the world in constructing an architecture to keep the peace: a Marshall Plan and a United Nations, mechanisms to govern the waging of war, treaties to protect human rights, prevent genocide, and restrict the most dangerous weapons.

In many ways, these efforts succeeded. Yes, terrible wars have been fought, and atrocities committed. But there has been no Third World War. The Cold War ended with jubilant crowds dismantling a wall. Commerce has stitched much of the world together. Billions have been lifted from poverty. The ideals of liberty, self-determination, equality and the rule of law have haltingly advanced. We are the heirs of the fortitude and foresight of generations past, and it is a legacy for which my own country is rightfully proud.

A decade into a new century, this old architecture is buckling under the weight of new threats. The world may no longer shudder at the prospect of war between two nuclear superpowers, but proliferation may increase the risk of catastrophe. Terrorism has long been a tactic, but modern technology allows a few small men with outsized rage to murder innocents on a horrific scale.

Moreover, wars between nations have increasingly given way to wars within nations. The resurgence of ethnic or sectarian conflicts; the growth of secessionist movements, insurgencies, and failed states; have increasingly trapped civilians in unending chaos. In today’s wars, many more civilians are killed than soldiers; the seeds of future conflict are sewn, economies are wrecked, civil societies torn asunder, refugees amassed, and children scarred.

I do not bring with me today a definitive solution to the problems of war. What I do know is that meeting these challenges will require the same vision, hard work, and persistence of those men and women who acted so boldly decades ago. And it will require us to think in new ways about the notions of just war and the imperatives of a just peace.

We must begin by acknowledging the hard truth that we will not eradicate violent conflict in our lifetimes. There will be times when nations – acting individually or in concert – will find the use of force not only necessary but morally justified.

I make this statement mindful of what Martin Luther King said in this same ceremony years ago – “Violence never brings permanent peace. It solves no social problem: it merely creates new and more complicated ones.” As someone who stands here as a direct consequence of Dr. King’s life’s work, I am living testimony to the moral force of non-violence. I know there is nothing weak –nothing passive – nothing naïve – in the creed and lives of Gandhi and King.

But as a head of state sworn to protect and defend my nation, I cannot be guided by their examples alone. I face the world as it is, and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the American people. For make no mistake: evil does exist in the world. A non-violent movement could not have halted Hitler’s armies. Negotiations cannot convince al Qaeda’s leaders to lay down their arms. To say that force is sometimes necessary is not a call to cynicism – it is a recognition of history; the imperfections of man and the limits of reason.

I raise this point because in many countries there is a deep ambivalence about military action today, no matter the cause. At times, this is joined by a reflexive suspicion of America, the world’s sole military superpower.

Yet the world must remember that it was not simply international institutions – not just treaties and declarations – that brought stability to a post-World War II world. Whatever mistakes we have made, the plain fact is this: the United States of America has helped underwrite global security for more than six decades with the blood of our citizens and the strength of our arms. The service and sacrifice of our men and women in uniform has promoted peace and prosperity from Germany to Korea, and enabled democracy to take hold in places like the Balkans. We have borne this burden not because we seek to impose our will. We have done so out of enlightened self-interest – because we seek a better future for our children and grandchildren, and we believe that their lives will be better if other peoples’ children and grandchildren can live in freedom and prosperity.

So yes, the instruments of war do have a role to play in preserving the peace. And yet this truth must coexist with another – that no matter how justified, war promises human tragedy. The soldier’s courage and sacrifice is full of glory, expressing devotion to country, to cause and to comrades in arms. But war itself is never glorious, and we must never trumpet it as such.

So part of our challenge is reconciling these two seemingly irreconcilable truths – that war is sometimes necessary, and war is at some level an expression of human feelings. Concretely, we must direct our effort to the task that President Kennedy called for long ago. “Let us focus,” he said, “on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions.”

What might this evolution look like? What might these practical steps be?

To begin with, I believe that all nations – strong and weak alike – must adhere to standards that govern the use of force. I – like any head of state – reserve the right to act unilaterally if necessary to defend my nation. Nevertheless, I am convinced that adhering to standards strengthens those who do, and isolates – and weakens – those who don’t.

The world rallied around America after the 9/11 attacks, and continues to support our efforts in Afghanistan, because of the horror of those senseless attacks and the recognized principle of self-defense. Likewise, the world recognized the need to confront Saddam Hussein when he invaded Kuwait – a consensus that sent a clear message to all about the cost of aggression.

Furthermore, America cannot insist that others follow the rules of the road if we refuse to follow them ourselves. For when we don’t, our action can appear arbitrary, and undercut the legitimacy of future intervention – no matter how justified.

This becomes particularly important when the purpose of military action extends beyond self defense or the defense of one nation against an aggressor. More and more, we all confront difficult questions about how to prevent the slaughter of civilians by their own government, or to stop a civil war whose violence and suffering can engulf an entire region.

I believe that force can be justified on humanitarian grounds, as it was in the Balkans, or in other places that have been scarred by war. Inaction tears at our conscience and can lead to more costly intervention later. That is why all responsible nations must embrace the role that militaries with a clear mandate can play to keep the peace.

America’s commitment to global security will never waiver. But in a world in which threats are more diffuse, and missions more complex, America cannot act alone. This is true in Afghanistan. This is true in failed states like Somalia, where terrorism and piracy is joined by famine and human suffering. And sadly, it will continue to be true in unstable regions for years to come.

The leaders and soldiers of NATO countries – and other friends and allies – demonstrate this truth through the capacity and courage they have shown in Afghanistan. But in many countries, there is a disconnect between the efforts of those who serve and the ambivalence of the broader public. I understand why war is not popular. But I also know this: the belief that peace is desirable is rarely enough to achieve it. Peace requires responsibility. Peace entails sacrifice. That is why NATO continues to be indispensable. That is why we must strengthen UN and regional peacekeeping, and not leave the task to a few countries. That is why we honor those who return home from peacekeeping and training abroad to Oslo and Rome; to Ottawa and Sydney; to Dhaka and Kigali – we honor them not as makers of war, but as wagers of peace.

Let me make one final point about the use of force. Even as we make difficult decisions about going to war, we must also think clearly about how we fight it. The Nobel Committee recognized this truth in awarding its first prize for peace to Henry Dunant – the founder of the Red Cross, and a driving force behind the Geneva Conventions.

Where force is necessary, we have a moral and strategic interest in binding ourselves to certain rules of conduct. And even as we confront a vicious adversary that abides by no rules, I believe that the United States of America must remain a standard bearer in the conduct of war. That is what makes us different from those whom we fight. That is a source of our strength. That is why I prohibited torture. That is why I ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed. And that is why I have reaffirmed America’s commitment to abide by the Geneva Conventions. We lose ourselves when we compromise the very ideals that we fight to defend. And we honor those ideals by upholding them not just when it is easy, but when it is hard.

I have spoken to the questions that must weigh on our minds and our hearts as we choose to wage war. But let me turn now to our effort to avoid such tragic choices, and speak of three ways that we can build a just and lasting peace.

First, in dealing with those nations that break rules and laws, I believe that we must develop alternatives to violence that are tough enough to change behavior – for if we want a lasting peace, then the words of the international community must mean something. Those regimes that break the rules must be held accountable. Sanctions must exact a real price. Intransigence must be met with increased pressure – and such pressure exists only when the world stands together as one.

One urgent example is the effort to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, and to seek a world without them. In the middle of the last century, nations agreed to be bound by a treaty whose bargain is clear: all will have access to peaceful nuclear power; those without nuclear weapons will forsake them; and those with nuclear weapons will work toward disarmament. I am committed to upholding this treaty. It is a centerpiece of my foreign policy. And I am working with President Medvedev to reduce America and Russia’s nuclear stockpiles.

But it is also incumbent upon all of us to insist that nations like Iran and North Korea do not game the system. Those who claim to respect international law cannot avert their eyes when those laws are flouted. Those who care for their own security cannot ignore the danger of an arms race in the Middle East or East Asia. Those who seek peace cannot stand idly by as nations arm themselves for nuclear war.

The same principle applies to those who violate international law by brutalizing their own people. When there is genocide in Darfur; systematic rape in Congo; or repression in Burma – there must be consequences. And the closer we stand together, the less likely we will be faced with the choice between armed intervention and complicity in oppression.

This brings me to a second point – the nature of the peace that we seek. For peace is not merely the absence of visible conflict. Only a just peace based upon the inherent rights and dignity of every individual can truly be lasting.

It was this insight that drove drafters of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights after the Second World War. In the wake of devastation, they recognized that if human rights are not protected, peace is a hollow promise.

And yet all too often, these words are ignored. In some countries, the failure to uphold human rights is excused by the false suggestion that these are Western principles, foreign to local cultures or stages of a nation’s development. And within America, there has long been a tension between those who describe themselves as realists or idealists – a tension that suggests a stark choice between the narrow pursuit of interests or an endless campaign to impose our values.

I reject this choice. I believe that peace is unstable where citizens are denied the right to speak freely or worship as they please; choose their own leaders or assemble without fear. Pent up grievances fester, and the suppression of tribal and religious identity can lead to violence. We also know that the opposite is true. Only when Europe became free did it finally find peace. America has never fought a war against a democracy, and our closest friends are governments that protect the rights of their citizens. No matter how callously defined, neither America’s interests – nor the world’s –are served by the denial of human aspirations.

So even as we respect the unique culture and traditions of different countries, America will always be a voice for those aspirations that are universal. We will bear witness to the quiet dignity of reformers like Aung Sang Suu Kyi; to the bravery of Zimbabweans who cast their ballots in the face of beatings; to the hundreds of thousands who have marched silently through the streets of Iran. It is telling that the leaders of these governments fear the aspirations of their own people more than the power of any other nation. And it is the responsibility of all free people and free nations to make clear to these movements that hope and history are on their side

Let me also say this: the promotion of human rights cannot be about exhortation alone. At times, it must be coupled with painstaking diplomacy. I know that engagement with repressive regimes lacks the satisfying purity of indignation. But I also know that sanctions without outreach – and condemnation without discussion – can carry forward a crippling status quo. No repressive regime can move down a new path unless it has the choice of an open door.

In light of the Cultural Revolution’s horrors, Nixon’s meeting with Mao appeared inexcusable – and yet it surely helped set China on a path where millions of its citizens have been lifted from poverty, and connected to open societies. Pope John Paul’s engagement with Poland created space not just for the Catholic Church, but for labor leaders like Lech Walesa. Ronald Reagan’s efforts on arms control and embrace of perestroika not only improved relations with the Soviet Union, but empowered dissidents throughout Eastern Europe. There is no simple formula here. But we must try as best we can to balance isolation and engagement; pressure and incentives, so that human rights and dignity are advanced over time.

Third, a just peace includes not only civil and political rights – it must encompass economic security and opportunity. For true peace is not just freedom from fear, but freedom from want.

It is undoubtedly true that development rarely takes root without security; it is also true that security does not exist where human beings do not have access to enough food, or clean water, or the medicine they need to survive. It does not exist where children cannot aspire to a decent education or a job that supports a family. The absence of hope can rot a society from within.

And that is why helping farmers feed their own people – or nations educate their children and care for the sick – is not mere charity. It is also why the world must come together to confront climate change. There is little scientific dispute that if we do nothing, we will face more drought, famine and mass displacement that will fuel more conflict for decades. For this reason, it is not merely scientists and activists who call for swift and forceful action – it is military leaders in my country and others who understand that our common security hangs in the balance.

Agreements among nations. Strong institutions. Support for human rights. Investments in development. All of these are vital ingredients in bringing about the evolution that President Kennedy spoke about. And yet, I do not believe that we will have the will, or the staying power, to complete this work without something more – and that is the continued expansion of our moral imagination; an insistence that there is something irreducible that we all share.

As the world grows smaller, you might think it would be easier for human beings to recognize how similar we are; to understand that we all basically want the same things; that we all hope for the chance to live out our lives with some measure of happiness and fulfillment for ourselves and our families.

And yet, given the dizzying pace of globalization, and the cultural leveling of modernity, it should come as no surprise that people fear the loss of what they cherish about their particular identities – their race, their tribe, and perhaps most powerfully their religion. In some places, this fear has led to conflict. At times, it even feels like we are moving backwards. We see it in Middle East, as the conflict between Arabs and Jews seems to harden. We see it in nations that are torn asunder by tribal lines.

Most dangerously, we see it in the way that religion is used to justify the murder of innocents by those who have distorted and defiled the great religion of Islam, and who attacked my country from Afghanistan. These extremists are not the first to kill in the name of God; the cruelties of the Crusades are amply recorded. But they remind us that no Holy War can ever be a just war. For if you truly believe that you are carrying out divine will, then there is no need for restraint – no need to spare the pregnant mother, or the medic, or even a person of one’s own faith. Such a warped view of religion is not just incompatible with the concept of peace, but the purpose of faith – for the one rule that lies at the heart of every major religion is that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.

Adhering to this law of love has always been the core struggle of human nature. We are fallible. We make mistakes, and fall victim to the temptations of pride, and power, and sometimes evil. Even those of us with the best intentions will at times fail to right the wrongs before us.

But we do not have to think that human nature is perfect for us to still believe that the human condition can be perfected. We do not have to live in an idealized world to still reach for those ideals that will make it a better place. The non-violence practiced by men like Gandhi and King may not have been practical or possible in every circumstance, but the love that they preached – their faith in human progress – must always be the North Star that guides us on our journey.

For if we lose that faith – if we dismiss it as silly or naïve; if we divorce it from the decisions that we make on issues of war and peace – then we lose what is best about humanity. We lose our sense of possibility. We lose our moral compass.

Like generations have before us, we must reject that future. As Dr. King said at this occasion so many years ago, “I refuse to accept despair as the final response to the ambiguities of history. I refuse to accept the idea that the ‘isness’ of man’s present nature makes him morally incapable of reaching up for the eternal ‘oughtness’ that forever confronts him.”

So let us reach for the world that ought to be – that spark of the divine that still stirs within each of our souls. Somewhere today, in the here and now, a soldier sees he’s outgunned but stands firm to keep the peace. Somewhere today, in this world, a young protestor awaits the brutality of her government, but has the courage to march on. Somewhere today, a mother facing punishing poverty still takes the time to teach her child, who believes that a cruel world still has a place for his dreams.

Let us live by their example. We can acknowledge that oppression will always be with us, and still strive for justice. We can admit the intractability of depravation, and still strive for dignity. We can understand that there will be war, and still strive for peace. We can do that – for that is the story of human progress; that is the hope of all the world; and at this moment of challenge, that must be our work here on Earth.

Jadwal Pemutaran Balibo Five

Jumat,11 Desember 2009,
Jam 17.00 wib (putaran 1),
Jam 19.00 wib (putaran 2),
Salihara,Ps Minggu,
Pelaksana: AJI Indonesia, KBR 68H dan Komunitas Salihara

Jumat, 11 Desember 2009,
Jam 19.00 wib,
Galeri Photo Antara, Gd Antara Ps Baru,
Pelaksana: ANTARA

Minggu, 13 Desember 2009,
Jam 14.00 wib,
Gedung Muharram Journalism College,Banda Aceh,
Pelaksana: AJI Banda Aceh

Senin, 14 Desember 2009,
Jam 19.00 wib,
Hotel Treva (Internal peserta workshop Kode Etik LPDS),
Pelaksana: LPDS

Selasa, 15 Desember,
Jam 14.00 wib,
Kantor PWI,
Pelaksana: PWI

Study: 'Digital abuse' hits half of youth

A study conducted by the Associated Press and MTV pretty much confirms what many Internet safety experts have been saying for the past several months: Young people are far more likely to experience problems online from their peers or from their own indiscretions than from adult predators.

But that's hardly to say that there's no need for concern. The AP/MTV study (PDF), released Thursday, found that 50 percent of 14- to 24-year-olds have experienced some type of digital abuse.

MTV launches "A Thin Line" initiative to empower youth to stop digital abuse

The study also found that 30 percent had either sent or received nude photos on their cell phones or online, a practice known as "sexting." Just 10 percent had actually sent such messages, which is in line with a previous study done by Cox Communications.

The AP/MTV study interviewed 1,247 teens and young adults in what the authors call an "online panel that is representative of the entire U.S. population." Respondents were recruited from KnowledgePanel. Details about the study and a campaign to empower youth to stop digital abuse are available at AThinLine.org.

The study's definition of digital abuse includes writing something online that wasn't true, sharing information that a person didn't want shared, writing something mean, spreading false rumors, threatening physical harm, impersonation, spying, posting embarrassing photos or video, being pressured to send naked photos, being teased, and encouraging people to hurt themselves.

As have previous studies, this one points to the need for educating young people on how to empower and protect themselves. While parental and educator involvement is crucial, young people themselves need to embrace and "own" digital safety messages--taught not as "Internet safety" lessons but as part of a larger worldview on how to thrive in the digital age. (For more on this, see Online Safety 3.0: Protecting & Empowering Youth from ConnectSafely.org, a nonprofit group I help run.)

Bullies and passwords
More than two-thirds (69 percent) of the respondents said that digital abuse is a serious problem for people their age, but only half (51 percent) said that they had thought that "things they post online could come back to hurt them later." Only 25 percent said that they considered the possibility that they could get into legal trouble. Some prosecutors have charged teens with violating child pornography laws for taking, possessing or distributing child pornography.

There was some good news on the cyberbullying front. The AP/MTV study reported that 78 percent of the respondents said that "it is always okay to report it when someone harms another person physically," and 55 percent said that "if they witness someone being picked on by a group of people, it is always okay to report it to an authority." Sixty-two percent said they are likely to ask the bully to stop if they themselves are victims of abuse or harassment, and 59 percent said they would ask a friend for help.

The sharing of passwords can lead to someone being impersonated or having their online identity stolen, yet 26 percent of the study's respondents admit that they have shared passwords online. Girls (31 percent) are more likely to share passwords than boys (22 percent). The study found that youth who shared passwords were more likely (68 percent) to be victims of digital abuse than those who didn't (44 percent).

Showing off via sexting
Females are slightly more likely to share a naked photo of themselves (13 percent) than males (9 percent), while youth who are sexually active are more than twice as likely to send such photos as those who aren't (17 percent versus 8 percent). Perhaps more disturbing is the finding that 17 percent say they've passed the image to someone else, and just over 9 percent have distributed the images to more than one person. Remarkably, 29 percent of respondents who shared a naked photo of themselves report that they shared the image with someone whom they had never met in person and knew only online. That represents about 3 percent of the total sample.

The study reported that "61% of those who have sent a naked photo or video of themselves have been pressured by someone else to do so at least once," but it's not clear from the study how many of these young people actually sent photos to people who pressured them.

Reasons for sending "sexts" include "the assumption that others would want to see them (52%), a desire to show off (35%), and boredom (26%)." The study also found that about 30 percent of teens have shared sexts as a joke or to be funny.

Online risk mirrors offline risk
The study didn't conclude that there was any causality between online and offline risk activities, but like previous studies, it did find some significant correlations.

Youth who have been the target of digital bullying were twice as likely (13 percent versus 6 percent) to report having received treatment from a mental health professional and are more than twice as likely to have considered dropping out of school (11 percent versus 4 percent).

Those who reported smoking a cigarette, drinking alcohol, using illegal drugs, or stealing/shoplifting in the past seven days were more likely to have been the target of digital abuse (60 percent versus 48 percent). Sexually active youth were also more likely to have been victims (62 percent of those who have had sex in the last seven days have been targets, compared with 49 percent of those who hadn't had sex).

*
This data is consistent with a 2007 report (PDF) from the Crimes Against Children Research Center, which found that youth who engage in "aggressive behavior in the form of making rude or nasty comments were 2.3 times more likely to suffer from interpersonal victimization. Those engaged in "frequently embarrassing others" were 4.6 times more likely to be victimized.

*
A version of this post also appears on CNET's sister site CBSNews.com.
Larry Magid is a technology journalist and an Internet safety advocate. He's been writing and speaking about Internet safety since he wrote Internet safety guide "Child Safety on the Information Highway" in 1994. He is co-director of ConnectSafely.org, founder of SafeKids.com and SafeTeens.com, and a board member of the National Center for Missing & Exploited Children. Larry's technology analysis and commentary can be heard on CBS News and CBS affiliates, and read on CBSNews.com. He also writes a personal-tech column for the San Jose Mercury News. You can e-mail Larry or follow him on Twitter@larrymagid.

Cium Tangan Gus Dur, Anggota Pansus Century dari PKS Dicoret

Jakarta, NU Online
Sering kali keputusan politik didasari hal-hal irasional. Dari desas-desus yang berkembang, hal ini juga yang menimpa penggagas hak angket Century dari Fraksi Partai Keadilan Sejahterea (FPKS), Mukhamad Misbakhun. Dia dicoret jadi anggota Pansus Century, konon karena mencium tangan Mantan Presiden Republik Indonesia ke-4 KH Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) saat bersilaturahim.

Cerita unik ini beredar di kalangan wartawan DPR dan politisi PKS di DPR. Untuk memastikan apakah kabar itu benar atau cuma isapan jempol, wartawan memburu Misbakhun saat rapat paripurna di DPR, Senayan, Jakarta.

"Memang ada temen yang tanya soal cium tangan. Tapi tidak di rapat fraksi (PKS). Tapi itu tidak ada pengaruhnya saya rasa," kata Misbakhun, Jum'at (4/12).

Misbakhun menuturkan, meski dia kader PKS, dia berasal dari tradisi Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) yang bila menghormati tokoh, salah satunya dengan cara cium tangan. Yang dilakukan saat bertemu Gus Dur bukanlah bentuk kultus individu, tetapi murni penghormatan sebagai seorang anak NU yang menghargai salah satu sesepuhnya.

"Saya ini kan orang NU, saya orang Pasuruan (Jatim). Cium tangan itu memang tradisi dan budaya NU. Saya bertamu dan Gus Dur adalah tokoh bangsa, ya saya menghormati beliau dengan cium tangan," jelas pria 39 tahun kelahiran Pasuruan ini seperti dikutip detik.com.

Sebenarnya, sebagai orang NU yang di PKS, Misbakhun mengaku paham betul tradisi PKS dalam bentuk penghormatan, yakni dengan cium pipi kanan dan kiri ala orang Arab. Tetapi melihat kondisi Gus Dur yang dalam duduk di kursi roda, dan tradisi yang tidak biasa di keluarga NU, Misbakhun memilih bentuk penghormatan dengan cium tangan.

Tetapi, Misbakhun tak yakin karena mencium tangan Gus Dur dirinya dicoret dari posisinya sebagai calon kuat anggota pansus angket. Anggota Tim 9 ini yakin partainya punya pertimbangan sendiri yang didasarkan pada kepentingan politik PKS. (min)

Dibutuhkan Staf Produksi "MATA NAJWA", FL & Magang

Program Mata Najwa Metro TV membutuhkan segera FREELANCER STAF PRODUKSI dan MAHASISWA MAGANG.

Untuk freelance diutamakan mengenal proses editing online dan produksi program. Untuk magang diutamakan mahasiswa yang tidak memiliki beban mata kuliah selama dua bulan magang.

Lamaran dikirimkan ke juliussumant@gmail.com sebelum 15 Desember 2009.

Liburan Akhir Tahun, Ancol Hadirkan Show Spektakuler dari USA

‘EXPLORE YOUR IMAGINATION!’
Rayakan Liburan Akhir Tahun Bersama Wolverine, Scorpion Pirates, dan Jajaran Artis Ibukota

Ancol Taman Impian kembali mempersembahkan berbagai acara akhir tahun dengan tema “Explore Your Imagination!”. Direktur Utama PT. Pembangunan Jaya Ancol Tbk., Budi Karya Sumadi mengatakan dalam pekan liburan akhir tahun ini, Ancol Taman Impian mempersembahkan dua international show, Wolverine dan Scorpion Pirates.

Wolverine dan Scorpion Pirates, kedua international show ini berasal dari Amerika Serikat. Mulai dari stuntmen professional, scenario, equipment hingga special effect digarap dengan baik untuk memenuhi ekspektasi pengunjung dalam mengembangkan imajinasinya dan menuangkan imajinasi yang ada dalam benak pengunjung menjadi sebuah pertunjukan sepektakuler.

Budi Karya menambahkan Wolverine dan Scorpion Pirates merupakan sebuah variasi acara internasional yang sangat unik, dimana Wolverine adalah sebuah indoor international live action show sedangkan Scorpion Pirates adalah sebuah water stuntmen show (outdoor).

Ancol Taman Impian terus berupaya untuk melakukan inovasi, baik dengan menghadirkan sesuatu yang baru berkaitan dengan produk maupun servis dan pelayanan pengunjung. Yang menarik adalah kedua international show ini dapat disaksikan langsung oleh pengunjung Dunia Fantasi atau Gelanggang Samudra. International show ini merupakan benefit yang kita berikan kepada pengunjung Dufan dan Gelanggang Samudra. Yang pengunjung lakukan, cukup membayar tiket masuk Dunia Fantasi, maka mereka dapat menyaksikan Wolverine. Atau membeli tiket Gelanggang Samudra dan langsung mendapatkan benefit untuk menyaksikan Scorpion Pirates.

Selain Wolverine dan Scorpion Pirates, Taman Impian turut menyelenggarakan sebuah international art exhibition “Jakarta Contemporary Ceramics Biennale”. Sebuah pagelaran seni budaya keramik yang menghadirkan karya seni dari perupa international maupun nasional dengan warna kontemporer.


Budi Karya mengatakan Ancol sebagai sebuah destinasi wisata yang memiliki komitmen di bidang pengembangan seni dan budaya akan secara konsisten mengadakan pagelaran seni yang special. Budaya dan seni memiliki nilai hisorikal yang sangat tinggi dan sangat beragam dari satu karya ke karya lainnya. Nilai histori ini menjadi sebuah nilai yang ‘tak tergantikan’ karena mempunyai makna essential tersendiri sebagai sebuah jiwa dari sebuah karya.
“Exhibition ini menjadi momentum pertemuan antara perupa, kolektor, pencinta seni, maupun masyarakat luas. Maka kami berharap dapat terjadi sebuah interaksi untuk mengedukasi masyarakat bahwa sebuah seni dan budaya memiliki potensi ekonomi yang dapat dikembangkan melalui tangan-tangan kreatif,” kata Budi Karya.
Berikut ini Kalender Event Akhir Tahun 2009/2010 “Explore Your Imagination” di Ancol Taman Impian antara lain:

1) “WOLVERINE”
Dunia Fantasi kembali menghadirkan sebuah international live action show dari Amerika Serikat “WOLVERINE”, sebuah serial action show dari X-Men, International show yang meraih sukses pada pentas pertamanya pada bulan Juli 2009 yang lalu. Pada international show ini, Wolverine bersama Cyclops, Storm dan Beast akan menyelamatkan manusia dari serangan mutant. Namun uniknya adalah selain berhadapan dengan Magnetto, Wolverine akan berhadapan dengan saudaranya sendiri yaitu Sabretooth. Ditambah dengan aksi motor action yang melengkapi adegan Wolverine dan masih dengan spesial efek cuaca antara lain salju, api, angin, petir, dll. Wolverine akan menghibur pengunjung di Hall Rama-SHinta, Dunia Fantasi, mulai Sabtu 12 Desember 2009 – Minggu 3 Januari 2010 dengan jadwal 4 kali dalam satu hari yaitu pk. 13.30 – 14.00, 15.00 – 15.30, 16.30 – 17.00, 18.00 – 18.30 wib. Terlebih, pengunjung Dunia Fantasi dapat langsung menikmati atraksi ini tanpa biaya tambahan, mulai dari hari Sabtu 12 Desember 2009 – Minggu 3 Desember 2010. Harga tiket masuk Dunia Fantasi Rp. 140.000,-

2) “SCORPION PIRATES”
Untuk pertama kalinya, Ancol Taman Impian menghadirkan sebuah water stuntman show dari Amerika Serikat “SCORPIONS PIRATES”. Gelanggang Samudra akan disulap menyerupai setting pertempuran laut melawan bajak laut kalajengking dengan maneuver jet ski yang dipadu dengan atraksi terjun bebas dan menyelam. Ditambah dengan special efek api, air dan ledakan menambah atraksi bajak laut semakin seru. Terlebih, pengunjung Gelanggang Samudra dapat langsung menikmati atraksi ini tanpa biaya tambahan, mulai dari hari Sabtu 12 Desember 2009 – Minggu 3 Januari 2010. Harga tiket masuk Gelanggang Samudra Rp. 90.000,-


3) JAKARTA CONTEMPORARY CERAMICS BIENNALE 1
‘International art exhibition’ yang digelar di Galeri North Art Space di Pasar Seni mulai dari 19 Desember 2009 - 20 Januari 2010. Pameran keramik menampilkan berbagai karya dari perupa Ahmad Abu Bakar (Singapore),Ahmad Roslan dan Umibaizurah Mahirismail (Malaysia), Krisaya Leunganantakul (Thailand), Hadrian Mendoza (Philipinnes) dan perupa dari Indonesia antara lain: Nurdin Ichsan, Nadya Savitri, Trisa Granicia, Ira Suryandari, Evy Yonatan, Ahadiat Joedawinata, Natas Setiabudhi, Lie Fhung, Donna Prawita, Sri Hartono, Hera Pahlasari, F. Widayanto, Marcello Massoni (Gaya Ceramics Bali). Pameran keramik ini melibatkan Rifky Effendi dan Asmujo J. Irianto sebagai kurator pameran.


4) JIMBARAN ANNIVERSARY
Sebagai destinasi wisata kuliner, Ancol Taman Impian mempersembahkan acara ulang tahun Jimbaran yang keempat. Dalam acara ulangtahun ini, Jimbaran Resto berubah nama menjadi Jimbaran Bali Entertainment Resto. Konsepnya adalah Jimbaran sebagai sebuah destinasi wisata kuliner yang tidak hanya memiliki keunggulan di menu makanan, namun Jimbaran sebagai sebuah restauirant yang membalur nuansa Bali yang lengkap dengan entaertrainment seperti tari-tarian dan etnik khas Bali lainnya. Jimbaran anniversary akan digelar pada hari Kamis, 17 Desember 2009 dengan menyuguhkan berbagai karya etnik Bali antara lain: Pameran Lukisan, Tarian Bali seperti Barong dan Kecak, Tari Pendet, Tari Ramayana, Baleganjur, art & craft Bali, serta berbagai bazaar makanan dan minuman khas Bali. Dalam rangka menyambut ulangtahunnya pun, Jimbaran memberikan diskon sebesar 10% diskon dari tanggal 14 sd 17 Desember 2009. Jimbaran Bali Entertainment Resto dapat menjadi pilihan pengunjung yang ingin menikmati suasana “Bali Kecil” di ibukota Jakarta.


5) PESTA KEMBANG API
Ancol Taman Impian kembali mengadakan serangkaian acara akhir tahun dengan puncak acara Pesta Kembang Api tanggal 31 Desember 2009 di tiga lokasi yaitu Pantai Carnaval, Pantai Festival dan Putri Duyung Cottage. Pengunjung Ancol dapat menikmati berbagai atraksi musik artis ibukota antara lain perayaan malam tahun baru bersama Gubernur DKI Jakarta, Bapak Fauzi Bowo dan jajaran artis papan atas antara lain: Nidji, Ungu, The Changcuters, The Massive, ST 12, yang digelar di Panggung Carnaval dan Roma Irama, Ridho Rhoma, Artis KDI, dan Wali di Pantai Festival. **** (END)

Info lebih lanjut dpt menghubungi corporate communications Ancol Taman Impian di Telp. 6454567 pswt 6301 / 6789 (office hour)

Dianggap "Rudal", Menara Masjid Tidak Akan Terlihat Lagi di Swiss

Dengan dukungan 22 dari total 26 negara bagian, hasil referendum ini pun resmi menjadi bagian dari Konstitusi Swiss.

Menara tinggi dengan simbol bulan bintang di atasnya adalah ciri khas bangunan masjid. Selain sebagai ciri khas, menara tinggi sebuah masjid biasanya juga berfungsi sebagai medium untuk mengumandangkan adzan pertanda saatnya menunaikan ibadah sholat bagi kaum muslimin. Konstruksi bangunan masjid seperti ini diadopsi oleh komunitas muslim dimanapun di dunia ini. Namun, tidak di Swiss.

Sebagaimana dilansir situs Associated Press, negeri palang merah itu baru saja mengadakan referendum tentang menara masjid. Hasilnya, cukup mencengangkan. Mayoritas warga negara Swiss yang berpartisipasi dalam referendum sepakat untuk melarang penggunaan simbol menara pada bangunan masjid. 57,5 persen dari 2,67 juta pemilih mendukung referendum. Dengan dukungan 22 dari total 26 negara bagian, hasil referendum ini pun resmi menjadi bagian dari Konstitusi Swiss.

Referendum pertama kali digagas oleh Partai Rakyat Swiss. Partai berideologi nasionalis ini menamakan referendum ini "Menara sebagai simbol kebangkitan kekuatan politik muslim yang suatu hari nantinya akan mengubah Swiss menjadi negara Islam". Munculnya gagasan ini juga buah dari `provokasi' kalangan pemerhati HAM yang sempat menggelar unjuk rasa dengan spanduk bergambar menara yang diilustrasikan seperti misil pada bendera negara Swiss, dan sebelahnya terdapat gambar wanita dengan jilbab yang menutupi hampir seluruh bagian wajahnya.

Menara, oleh para pemrotes dianalogikan seperti ajaran Islam lainnya yang menoleransi praktek kawin paksa atau sunat perempuan. `Paranoid' para pemrotes juga dipicu oleh pernyataan Perdana Menteri Turki Recep Tayyip Erdogan yang menyandingkan masjid dengan barak militer Islam. Tayyip bahkan mengatakan "menara adalah bayonet kami".

Sudah bisa ditebak, hasil referendum tersebut menuai kecaman, dari dalam maupun luar negara Swiss. Aksi protes langsung tersulut secara spontan di pelataran gedung parlemen Swiss, tidak lama setelah referendum diputuskan. "Ini bukan Swiss-ku," begitu bunyi salah satu spanduk pemrotes.

Mereka yang tidak setuju, memandang hasil referendum bias dan anti Islam. Kalangan pengusaha khawatir referendum akan merusak citra Swiss di mata masyarakat internasional serta mengganggu hubungan Swiss dengan negara-negara muslim.

"Swiss telah memberi sinyal yang buruk bagi nilai-nilai keberagaman, kebebasan beragama dan hak asasi manusia," ujar Omar Al Rawi dari organisasi Islamic Denomination di Austria. Protes juga dilancarkan oleh organisasi Amnesty International. Referendum ini, diyakini Amnesty, akan dibatalkan oleh Mahkamah Agung Swiss atau setidaknya Pengadilan HAM Eropa.

Pihak pemerintah menyatakan tidak bisa berbuat apa-apa kecuali menerima hasil referendum. Pemerintah juga menjamin pemeluk agama Islam di Swiss masih bisa menjalankan ibadah di lingkungannya sendiri seperti sedia kala.

Associated Press menulis apa yang terjadi di Swiss adalah bagian dari `tren' kekhawatiran terhadap pertumbuhan Islam di benua Eropa. Selain di Swiss, gelombang protes menara masjid juga muncul di Swedia, Prancis, Italia, Yunani, Jerman, Austria, dan Slovenia. Kebetulan pemeluk agama Islam selalu menjadi kaum minoritas di negara-negara Eropa. Di Swiss, misalnya, jumlah orang muslim hanya 6 persen dari total 7,5 juta penduduk, sebagian besar adalah pengungsi dari Yugoslavia.

`Tren' ini kemudian menjadi masalah karena pada akhirnya berdampak juga pada aturan hukum. Di Jerman, sejumlah negara bagian menerbitkan aturan yang melarang penggunaan jilbab bagi wanita muslim yang berprofesi sebagai guru di sekolah umum.

Indonesia's Richest 40 Now Twice As Rich

Rebounding from the financial crisis, the country's 40 richest people have doubled their combined wealth in the past year to $42 billion, mainly due to rising demand and prices for commodities such as coal and palm oil, Forbes magazine reported on Thursday.

Tycoon and politician Aburizal Bakrie has returned to the elite club, joining the top 10 thanks to the success of his coal miner, PT Bumi Resources. Meanwhile, former Vice President Jusuf Kalla fell off the list.

In terms of total wealth, the 40 richest Indonesians have surpassed the previous record, set in 2007, by $2 billion, despite the financial crisis that swept the world last year, the magazine said on its Web site.

Of the 12 main Asia-Pacific economies surveyed, Forbes said only China's richest enjoyed a greater improvement in wealth over the past year.

"Global demand for Indonesia's natural resources fueled the rise of many fortunes on this list," the magazine said.

"More than one-third of the top 40 make the bulk of their money in coal, palm oil or oil and gas, including four of the five newcomers."

Nine tycoons at least tripled their wealth since last year, it said, and Indonesia now has 12 billionaires with a combined wealth of $28 billion, up from seven last year.

Brothers R Budi and Michael Hartono of the Djarum Group claimed the top spot on the list, with a combined worth of $7 billion. "We combined their fortunes this year to reflect the fact that this ranking, unlike Forbes' Billionaires list, includes a number of family fortunes," the magazine said.

"Still, had they not been combined, their individual net worths of $3.5 billion apiece would have earned them the top two slots."

Ranking second on the list was palm oil tycoon Martua Sitorus, the co-owner of PT Wilmar International, with an estimated $3 billion. Susilo Wonowidjojo came third, earning $2.6 billion from tobacco.

One of the new billionaires was coal magnate Low Tuck Kwong, whose PT Bayan Resources soared 474 percent on the stock exchange this year.

Aburizal, former coordinating minister for people's welfare and the new leader of the Golkar party, regained his billionaire status thanks to the dramatic rise from share market oblivion earlier this year of Bumi.

Last year, Bakrie, whose wealth was burned by the tanking share prices of his companies, did not even make the list's top 10.

Ciliandra Fangiono, 33, chief executive of palm oil company First Resources, was the richest newcomer to the list with an estimated $710 million.

Only three local tycoons are considered poorer than they were last year, due in part to better information, Forbes said.

It said the minimum wealth required to make the list was $240 million, up from last year's "relatively paltry" $55 million and double the $120 million required in 2007.

Five of last year's members did not meet that threshold, despite three getting richer during the year.

In addition to Kalla, they included Hadi Surya, whose PT Berlian Laju Tanker secured a 30-year contract to transport liquefied natural gas for British Petroleum.

The List: Indonesia's 40 Richest People

1. R. Budi & Michael Hartono $7 billion
2. Martua Sitorus $3 billion
3. Susilo Wonowidjojo $2.6 billion
4. Aburizal Bakrie $2.5 billion
5. Eka Tjipta Widjaja $2.4 billion
6. Peter Sondakh $2.1 billion
7. Putera Sampoerna $2 billion
8. Sukanto Tanoto $1.9 billion
9. Anthoni Salim $1.4 billion
10. Soegiharto Sosrodjojo $1.2 billion
11. Low Tuck Kwong $1.18 billion
12. Eddy William Katuari $1.1 billion
13. Chairul Tanjung $990 million
14. Garibaldi Thohir $930 million
15. Theodore Rachmat $900 million
16. Edwin Soeryadjaya $800 million
17. Trihatma Haliman $750 million
18. Ciliandra Fangiono $710 million
19. Arifin Panigoro $650 million
20. Murdaya Poo $600 million
21. Hashim Djojohadikusumo $500 million
22. Kusnan & Rusdi Kirana $480 million
23. Prajogo Pangestu $475 million
24. Harjo Sutanto $470 million
25. Mochtar Riady $440 million
26. Eka Tjandranegara $430 million
27. Ciputra $420 million
28. Hary Tanoesoedibjo $410 million
29. Sandiaga Uno $400 million
30. Boenjamin Setiawan $395 million
31. Alim Markus $350 million
32. Aksa Mahmud $330 million
33. Sutanto Djuhar $325 million
34. Kartini Muljadi $320 million
35. Soegiarto Adikoesoemo $300 million
36. George Santosa Tahija & Sjakon George Tahija $290 million
37. Paulus Tumewu $280 million
38. Husain Djojonegoro $260 million
39. Bachtiar Karim $250 million
40. Kris Wiluan $240 million

Posisi Strategis Geografi Indonesia=Posisi Siap Dikeroyok!

Indonesia terbodohi oleh rasa 'narsis' dan PD berlebihan dimasa lalu dengan menanamkan pada anak-anak usia sekolah suatu anggapan bahwa kita berada dalam posisi strategis secara geografis diantara dua benua dan dua samudera.

Kenyataannya, kini bukan lagi menjadi posisi strategis namun justru posisi terjepit / tergencet dalam berbagai hal. Transportasi udara misalnya, kenapa penerbangan internasional menuju ke Bali yang notabene wilayah NKRI namun transit di Singapura atau Australia? Kenapa tidak di wilayah Indonesia? Apakah NKRI sudah mengANTISIPASI dengan misalnya ATURAN, jika transitnya di luar wilayah Indonesia maka jika terjadi kondisi darurat tidak boleh mendarat di wilayah Indonesia, tapi dipersilahkan kembali ke bandara transit???

Indonesia juga dikelilingi oleh negara-negara persemakmuran Inggris, sekutu Amerika dan bahkan wilayah perbatasan yang "rawan" karena lama tak diurus bahkan diurus oleh bangsa lain.

Ada saja alasan untuk menekan kebijakan pemerintah Indonesia, misalnya melalui isu pelanggaran HAM masa lalu, dan sebagainya.
Apakah kita siap "dikeroyok"?

Posting data dan informasi anda di blog ini agar menjadi pengetahuan, dan berikan solusi-solusi yang membangun sebagai bagian kontribusi anda sebagai warga negara.
Mulai dari isu transportasi udara dan laut, wilayah kedaulatan dan pemberdayaan perbatasan. Kirim tulisan via email ke mahar.prastowo@gmail.com atau writerpreneur@gmail.com dan cantumkan nomor rekening.

Australia Bangkitkan Dendam atas Indonesia Lewat "Balibo Five"

Senin, 2 November 2009 | 09:09 WIB

BRISBANE, KOMPAS.com — Dendam sejarah keluarga lima wartawan Australia yang tewas saat tentara Indonesia masuk ke Balibo, Timor Timur (Timtim), tahun 1975 kembali menjadi komoditas media Australia. Kali ini stasiun televisi Channel Nine mengangkat apa yang disebutnya kisah "pencarian keadilan" Greig dan Ann, dua saudara Gary Cunningham yang bersama empat rekannya terbunuh di Balibo 34 tahun lalu itu, dalam program acara 60 Minutes-nya Minggu malam.

Seperti umumnya banyak tayangan terdahulu, bingkai pemberitaan stasiun televisi Channel Nine pada Minggu malam yang diisi dengan cuplikan gambar film layar lebar Balibo (2009) itu menempatkan Indonesia sebagai pembunuh. Dua orang saudara Gary Cunningham itu datang bersama reporter dan juru kamera stasiun televisi ini ke Timtim, termasuk ke sebuah rongsokan rumah yang mereka yakini sebagai tempat kelima wartawan itu tewas.

Tayangan di acara 60 Minutes itu, Channel Nine menghadirkan seorang pria Timtim yang mengaku menyaksikan langsung apa yang disebutnya "aksi pembantaian" oleh pasukan TNI atas kelima wartawan yang kemudian kasus kematian mereka dikenal dengan sebutan "Balibo Five" ini. Selain itu, diwawancarai pula Presiden Timtim Ramos Horta dan Juru bicara Departemen Luar Negeri RI Teuku Faizasyah.

Dalam pertanyaannya kepada Teuku Faizasyah, reporter Channel Nine tidak hanya mempertanyakan apa yang disebutnya pembunuhan terhadap lima wartawan Australia, tetapi juga apakah Pemerintah RI akan "mengekstradisi" Yunus Yosfiah, purnawirawan perwira TNI yang dituding sebagai pelaku, ke Australia. Menanggapi pertanyaan ini, Teuku Faizasyah menegaskan bahwa kelima wartawan tersebut tewas dalam baku tembak sehingga tidak akan ada ekstradisi Yunus Yosfiah ke Australia karena Indonesia memandang kasus "Balibo Five" sudah ditutup.



Dalam tayangan itu, Channel Nine mengesankan bahwa Australia berjasa dalam pemerdekaan Timtim dari Indonesia dan luka sejarah yang dirasakan dua anggota keluarga Cunningham pada Indonesia itu tidak akan pernah mati sampai orang-orang yang diyakini mereka sebagai pembunuh dihukum. Dendam sejarah ini kembali dihadirkan ke publik negara itu setelah Polisi Federal Australia (AFP) memutuskan untuk menyelidiki tuduhan kejahatan perang dalam kasus "Balibo Five" itu pada 8 September 2009. Pada Juli dan Agustus 2009, memori publik Australia tentang "Balibo Five" sudah dibangun lewat suguhan film Balibo di Festival Film Internasional Melbourne dan Brisbane.

Keputusan koroner NSW

Opini publik Australia tentang pihak yang bertanggung jawab terhadap kematian lima wartawan tahun 1975 ini sudah terbangun sejak adanya kesimpulan Pengadilan Glebe Coroners NSW pada 16 November 2007 bahwa personel TNI adalah pihak yang membunuh lima wartawan Australia tersebut. Kesimpulan pengadilan koroner yang digelar untuk melihat kasus kematian Brian Peters itu diungkapkan wakil Pengadilan Koroner NSW, Dorelle Pinch.

Pinch mengatakan kepada pengadilan bahwa kelima wartawan tersebut tidak tewas dalam kontak tembak antara personel TNI dan Fretilin, tetapi dibunuh atas perintah Komandan Lapangan Kapten Yunus Yosfiah. Terhadap penyelidikan AFP ini, pemerintah Australia menjadikan independensi keputusan Pengadilan Koroner NSW yang mendorong AFP membuka kembali kasus ini "tameng" menghadapi reaksi keberatan Indonesia.

Dalam konferensi persnya di Perth, 11 September lalu, Menteri Luar Negeri Australia Stephen Smith menegaskan ketidakterlibatan pemerintahnya dalam keputusan apa pun yang terkait dengan penyelidikan kasus "Balibo Five" karena itu sepenuhnya merupakan urusan AFP. "Sebagai Menlu, saya tidak punya peran di dalam soal (keputusan AFP) ini. Tidaklah tepat bagi menteri mana pun ikut bermain. Jadi semua ini didasarkan pada penilaian independen AFP," katanya.

Menanggapi keputusan AFP ini, Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono telah mengingatkan Australia agar ikut mendukung upaya Komisi Kebenaran dan Persahabatan (CTF) Indonesia-Timor Leste mengakhiri konflik secara bijak dan melihat ke depan dengan sejumlah rekomendasi yang ditindaklanjuti Indonesia dan Timor Leste. "Ini penting agar hubungan dengan Australia yang sekarang dalam keadaan baik, bahkan sangat baik, tidak terganggu dengan masalah-masalah yang muncul, karena menggunakan cara berpikir, yang menurut kita tidak tepat," katanya di Jakarta beberapa waktu lalu.

Sejak insiden yang menewaskan Greg Shackleton, Tony Stewart, Brian Peters, Malcolm Rennie, dan Gary Cunningham itu 34 tahun lalu, Yunus Yosfiah, purnawirawan perwira TNI yang pernah bertugas di Timtim, terus terseret ke dalam pusaran masalah ini. Tuduhan ini pun sudah berulang kali dibantah mantan Menteri Penerangan semasa pemerintahan Presiden BJ Habibie (1998-1999) itu.



Editor: jimbon
Sumber : Antara